UPPING THE ANTE. The CEO dove into his e-mail box and spoke to several employees. "The amount of response to his first e-mail caused him to give it personal attention," says Greg Hullender, an engineer in the company's MSN Search group who has worked at Microsoft for 12 years and represented gay employees on Microsoft's Diversity Advisory Council.
The company's ultimate support for the anti-discrimination legislation won widespread praise from employees and gay rights groups. But it could come at a cost. Conservatives inside and outside of Microsoft have not given up the fight. Eric Boyd, a 28-year-old software tester at Microsoft who believes homosexuality is a sin, vows "the Christians here won't be quiet" next year when the bill resurfaces.
And Reverend Ken Hutcherson, the local preacher who originally pressured Microsoft to drop its support for the legislation, plans to tap the broad network of like-minded religious conservatives to lean on the company. "We'll see what kind of pressure [Microsoft] can bear," he says.
SHUNNING SPOTLIGHT. Who else is in this network? In addition to AFA, Focus on the Family in Colorado Springs and the Family Research Council in Washington have been monitoring corporate support for gay rights. Other groups have targeted different issues. The much-smaller Largo (Fla.)-based Children of God for Life announced a boycott of General Electric (GE ) in April because of the company's pursuit of embryonic stem-cell research. Life Decisions International in Washington distributes 10,000 copies of The Boycott List -- naming companies that contribute to Planned Parenthoodat least twice a year.
Unlike Hutcherson, most of the people who run these groups make a point of not beating their chests when companies back down. They fear that such publicity-seeking is counterproductive because it makes execs fearful of appearing weak. "If you stop giving to Planned Parenthood, we won't release your name," says LDI President Douglas R. Scott, who compiles The Boycott List by digging through corporate tax returns. "We have an agreement with the companies."
This strategy was evident in a recent boycott targeting Procter & Gamble (PG ). Backed by AFA, Focus on the Family, and the Family Research Council, among others, it was triggered by the company's support of a local law that would have barred discrimination against gays in Cincinnati. After doing some preliminary research about P&G's position -- and discovering that the company had, among other things, published an ad for Downy fabric softener in a foreign gay magazine that showed two men in bed -- AFA's Wildmon and three others held a conference call with a P&G representative in early September. "It was obvious by their tone that they were dedicated to giving money to homosexual activists...and that their next major step would be support for homosexual marriage," says Randy Sharp, AFA's director of special projects.
SWITCHBOARD INUNDATED. So on Sept. 14, Wildmon sent out an e-mail calling for a boycott of three of P&G's top-selling products: Tide detergent, Crest toothpaste, and Pampers disposable diapers. A special page on the AFA Web site documented the various ways in which the company allegedly supported gay rights -- including sponsoring a Cincinnati gay rights parade, advertising on an employment Web site for gay workers, and supporting a gay workplace conference.
In the following weeks nearly 365,000 people signed electronic petitions urging the company to change its policies, says Sharp. In fact, so many people called the company about the issue that switchboard operators started directing them to a prerecorded voice message stating P&G's position.
While Sharp has no way of knowing the extent to which the effort lowered sales -- and the two sides made no contact after the announcement of the boycott -- he did start to notice changes in P&G's behavior. He claims that the company ceased advertising on the gay jobs Web site and that the corporate logo was dropped from sites promoting the Cincinnati gay pride parade and the workplace conference. "All the stuff we pointed to on our Web site just started disappearing," he says.
TARGETING COMMERCIALS. Convinced that P&G had mended its ways, AFA and the other groups sent out an e-mail on Apr. 16 calling off the boycott -- and that was that. No efforts were made to promote the self-styled victory to the mainstream media. P&G declined to comment on the events leading up to or following the boycott.
The AFA, Focus on the Family, and the American Decency Assn. of Freemont, Mich., have also had success in recent months persuading companies to stop advertising on racy shows such as Desperate Housewives. Quietly whirring recorders at the AFA headquarters tape all three networks 24/7. YUM! Brands (YUM ), parent of KFC and Taco Bell, S.C. Johnson, Lowe's (LOW ), Tyson Foods (TSN ), and Kellogg (K ) are among the advertisers that decided not to buy additional commercial time during the show after their offices were flooded with complaints.
"Our advertising guidelines are such that Lowe's chooses not to advertise in controversial programming, including programming with gratuitous sex and violence," Lowe's spokesperson Chris Ahearn said.
NO END IN SIGHT. The AFA's newest target is Kraft. On May 4, a Christian employee sent the group an e-mail alerting it that the company had signed up as a sponsor of the 2006 Gay Olympics. So on May 9, Wildmon shipped out an e-mail to about 120,000 people suggesting they send the following message to CEO Roger Deromedi: "As a consumer of many of your products, I strongly ask you to reconsider your financial support of this event. Your response to my concerns will determine my decision to purchase, or not purchase, your products in the future." Kraft declined to comment on the controversy.
As Christian conservatives flex their political muscle, corporations will likely continue to squirm. And if there's any question about the explosiveness of the culture wars, the fact that mighty Microsoft cowered -- if only briefly -- under the threats of a local preacher should erase any doubt.
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