Washington Outlook
The White House: Too Successful for Its Own Good?
These are days of bold pronouncements by the Bush White House. Fresh from routing the Taliban, George W. Bush now has an "Axis of Evil" in his crosshairs. And his macho style is increasingly evident closer to home. With his popularity at near-record levels, Bush seems to be almost itching for a showdown over Congress' demand that he disclose which industry executives met with Vice-President Dick Cheney's energy task force. And after months of delay tactics by Senate Democrats, the Administration is bypassing Congress through executive orders and recess appointments of controversial nominees--something Republicans criticized Bill Clinton for doing.
How over-the-top are the Bushies? With the midterm election campaign under way, Bush political mastermind Karl Rove told the Republican National Committee on Jan. 18 that the party should capitalize on the President's handling of the war and homeland security--sparking a furious reaction from Democratic allies in the war on terror. And on Feb. 4, Budget Director Mitch Daniels said New York lawmakers are in a "money-grubbing game" to win post-September 11 federal assistance--a comment for which he later expressed regret.
Is this combativeness evidence that success is going to the Administration's head? "They have to guard against hubris," warns a GOP operative. Such behavior has tripped other high-flying Presidents, from Nixon to Clinton. "Sometimes you believe you're Master of the Universe, and you lose your common sense," says ex-Clinton Chief of Staff John D. Podesta.
Bush is already paying a price for refusing to disclose the extent of Enron's contacts with White House officials and industry input in the formulation of energy policy. The President insists that he is simply trying to reclaim Executive Branch powers ceded to Congress since Vietnam and Watergate. He argues that Administration officials have a right to hold confidential meetings to shape policy without fearing later public disclosure. "It's not only important for us, for this Administration, it is an important principle for future Administrations," Bush told reporters on Jan. 28.
The fight could be costly for the Bushies. "There is some justification to their argument," says University of Virginia government professor Larry J. Sabato. "But there are plenty of people in the political graveyard who made good arguments for losing propositions." Even GOP insiders view the clash as a public-relations nightmare that will highlight ties to corporate fat cats. "They should go ahead and release the Cheney stuff," says one outside adviser to the White House. "The longer they wait, the more distracting this will get."
Indeed, a Jan. 24-27 ABC News/Washington Post Poll indicates that 70% of Americans want the President to disclose all contacts with Enron. "The perception that the Administration is hiding something...reinforces the public view that [it] is too close to Big Business," says Trinity College political scientist Diana Evans.
The White House offensive to reverse what it sees as an erosion of Presidential power doesn't stop with stonewalling on the Cheney task force. Recess appointments of Labor Dept. solicitor Eugene Scalia and Assistant Secretary of State Otto Reich are the start of a drive to streamline the confirmation process. And expect more initiatives by executive order, like the end run around Congress that created the volunteer Citizen Corps on Jan. 30.
White House strategists "are acting in a way that shows they have learned nothing from history," warns American University historian Allan J. Lichtman. In fact, the President, basking at 84% in the polls, seems to relish the fight. And Congress looks ready to make his day.
By Richard S. Dunham
With Lee Walczak and Paul Magnusson
CAPITAL WRAPUP
Cosa Nostra Inc.
The Enron (ENE
) scandal has given momentum to legislation that would subject corrupt execs to federal racketeering charges. The Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995, passed over Bill Clinton's veto, limited securities lawsuits and banned investors from suing under the Racketeer Influenced & Corrupt Organization Act, better known as RICO. Representative John Conyers Jr. (D-Mich.) is leading the new charge to subject corporate conspirators to treble damages in civil actions. While business lobbyists have fought off previous attempts to rescind the ban, they fear the Enron firestorm has changed the equation.
CAPITAL WRAPUP
Tide Turns on Term Limits
The term-limits movement, which boomed in the throw-the-bums-out heyday of the Gingrich Revolution, is on the defensive. Idaho, the nation's most Republican state, on Feb. 1 became the first to repeal its limits. Many of Gingrich's former House GOP troops have retracted personal pledges to leave Washington after six or eight years. Why? With Republicans fighting to keep control of the House, party leaders believe that incumbents, with their proven fund-raising skills, make stronger candidates than newcomers.
CAPITAL WRAPUP
Hablamos Espanol
In its latest attempt to woo Latino voters, the Republican National Committee has agreed to pick up the tab for state party chairmen and spokespeople who want to learn Spanish. Top operatives in key swing states will take a 10-day Spanish immersion course at Berlitz in Washington.
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Copyright 2002 , by The McGraw-Hill Companies Inc. All rights reserved.
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