Slovakia's Tough New Press Law

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Nonetheless, Madaric, Fico and many coalition parliamentarians were staunch in their defense of what they perceived the main attribute of the bill: the right of reply.

TRUTH OR CONSEQUENCES

In most countries where such a provision is in effect, it concerns the right of reply to articles containing inaccurate or misleading statements of fact that harm the integrity, dignity or privacy of the individual concerned. The Slovak bill defines this right much more broadly: as a right to reply to any statement of fact that affects one's integrity, dignity or privacy. From which it follows that the law gives concerned persons—not excluding public officials—the right to respond at the same length and prominence as the original article, even when the statements published in the article are true.

The OSCE's Haraszti pointed out to the government that such a "right" would hand politicians access to the press over the heads of editors. His warning that the Slovak bill, even after the modifications, did not respect the basic principle of editorial independence was rebuffed by the prime minister as the opinion of a "third-class official of the OSCE." The coalition majority passed, and the president duly signed, the bill including the Slovak version of the right of reply.

The new law will affect only the printed press. However, the government is liberal in its scorn for all media, and the last few weeks have seen it push through significant changes in public television. Back in January, the three coalition party leaders agreed on a slate of new members of Slovak Television's governing body. After the meeting the prime minister publicly declared the coalition parties' concern to have people on the body "who will represent our opinions." When the governing body met a few days ago to elect the station's new president, the winner received the votes of 10 out of the 15 members—the same 10 who had been nominated by this government.

Media analysts fully expect the same thing to happen by summer at Slovak public radio.

The new press law will take effect in June. Whether it will or will not have the desired "regulatory" effect on the press will be determined by the extent to which editors and publishers resist the politically enforced right of reply and also by the first court verdicts in the lawsuits that are very likely to ensue. We may be about to see Slovak newspapers and magazines thrust back to the era of Vladimir Meciar's premiership, when the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists ranked him 10th among the worst enemies of the press worldwide.

Just as then, this year Slovak newspapers again published editions with front pages blank but for a statement of protest against the press law. The previous attempt by a Slovak leader—Meciar—to muzzle the press by political means contributed to his ouster from power in 1998. Running roughshod over parliamentary procedure, ignoring the claims of minorities, harnessing the media as a propaganda machine and allegedly using the secret services against his political opponents, Meciar blackened his country's name in its first years of independence, but retained a sufficiently large power base to shepherd his party back into government under Fico.

Now, a second such attempt has arrived. How long we will have to wait before we know whether it succeeds?

Provided by Transitions Online—Intelligent Eastern Europe