EU: Bulgaria, Romania Still Too Corrupt

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The commission released the latest judicial and crime monitoring reports days before the scheduled swearing-in of Bulgaria's incoming prime minister, Boyko Borisov, the Sofia mayor and a former Interior Ministry official who won elections this month on an anti-corruption platform. His party GERB (Citizens for the European Development of Bulgaria) also pledged to go after former government officials suspected of graft and has promised to implement the commission's demands.

If Borisov talks tough, he may well have the background and political muscle to back up his words. The private security company he founded helped protect Bulgaria's deposed last communist leader, Todor Zhivkov, and on the other side of the political spectrum, Simeon Saxecoburggotski, the deposed monarch who returned from exile and served as premier from 2001 until 2005.

MILD PRAISE FOR BUCHAREST

Romania – criticized for its fragmented and politicized approach to reform – did earn praise for the work of its anti-corruption directorate. Organized crime is also seen as far less of a problem than in Bulgaria. According to the commission, the country's criminal and civil codes, while updated, have not been fully or systematically revised, leading to a "patchwork" of ad hoc legislation that risks compromising anti-corruption efforts.

In Romania, "reform efforts remain fragmented, they have not yet taken firmly root and must still produce practical results," the commission stated. "Overall, a broad based political consensus behind reform and an unequivocal commitment across political parties to real progress has still to be demonstrated." And while prosecutors in Romania have accused almost 20 cabinet ministers and former ministers of corruption since the country's accession to the bloc in 2007, not one has been convicted.

Opinion polls show EU citizens have grown more wary of bringing new countries into the bloc since the "early admission" of Bulgaria and Romania – and the perception of lawlessness in the region is a factor. But without the "carrot" of that qualified (i.e. monitored) membership and the "stick" of sanctions, the wheels of judicial reform in these countries would have turned far slower. The message to EU candidates Croatia, Turkey, and Macedonia and those waiting in the wings (Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia, and Albania) is to raise the bar – accelerate reforms – ahead of entry or formal accession talks.

Likewise, if Brussels should renege on the promise of future membership to the Balkans it could destabilize an already volatile region, right on the EU border. In that regard, Enlargement Commissioner Rehn was right this month to propose offering visa-free travel for citizens of Macedonia, Serbia, and Montenegro from 1 January 2010, in an effort to bring these countries closer to the bloc even as Brussels pushes for faster political, judicial, and economic progress.

Provided by Transitions Online—Intelligent Eastern Europe

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