Moldova: A Corner of Potential in Europe

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The new government in Chisinau, the Moldovan capital, has called for the departure of the Russian forces, and the West should step up its support for this position based on the principle of host-country consent. The previous Moldovan government paid mere lip service to calling for the removal of Russian forces and nearly signed on to 2003’s ill-fated Kozak Plan, which would have expanded and extended Russia’s presence in the region.

Moldova’s new leaders acknowledge deep and immediate reforms as the only way to progress. They seem willing to embark on these reforms and not wait for – or whine about – the absence of a solid promise of integration into the EU. This makes them the exception in a region where governments regard this promise as the only incentive for reform. This alone should make the EU pay serious attention to Moldova, a new hope in a long-troubled neighborhood. To its credit, and in compensation for sporadic attention paid to the country's problems, the EU has met the openness of the new Moldovan government with the immediate start of negotiations on an association agreement. The country is also fully engaged in the Eastern Partnership, the EU's instrument for advanced cooperation with Moldova and five other countries in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus.

Reforms are the engine of development, yet they bear a political cost, one that Moldova cannot pay too soon without seriously risking sliding back to a closed and infertile political system. This is why, in addition to EU action on the economy, efforts also should focus on helping mass media take full advantage of its newly regained freedom, encouraging civil society to become part of policymaking and strengthen its watchdog capacity, and increasing parliamentary control over government actions. Creation of solid elements of a democratic system is the only insurance against political backsliding. Moreover, an economically attractive and politically stable Moldova will have more power to negotiate a fair settlement of the Transdniester conflict and attract those on the other side of the Dniester River. But Transdniester cannot become an excuse to stop reform. Moldova simply doesn’t have that luxury – and neither does the West.

David J. Kramer is a senior Transatlantic Fellow at the German Marshall Fund’s Washington, D.C., office. Alina Inayeh directs the Black Sea Trust and GMF’s Bucharest office. Pavol Demes directs GMF’s Bratislava office.

Provided by Transitions Online—Intelligent Eastern Europe

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