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There's nothing new about a European attacking U.S. policy. Unless, of course, the European in question is the German Chancellor. So it was all the more surprising to see Gerhard Schröder take the U.S. to task earlier this month at a ceremony in Aachen, Germany, awarding Bill Clinton the prestigious Charlemagne Prize for his efforts to integrate Europe. Schröder was irked at America's flirtation with a national missile-defense program that Germany thinks could spur a new arms race and put European security at risk. "This issue could have an impact far beyond the U.S.," Schröder warned, as Clinton looked on.
Schröder's criticism of U.S. defense policy was no isolated incident. On matters ranging from the military to the political, Germany has begun to forcefully assert itself, to lead instead of follow. Gone are the days when the main aim of German foreign policy was to convince its neighbors and the world that the country had changed for the better.
For Germany's new breed of leaders, that transformation is a given, and they're no longer willing to blindly follow a course set by the U.S., France, and Britain. "With Schröder, the postwar period is over," says Erwin K. Scheuch, a political science professor at the University of Cologne.
Such a development is bound to unsettle some. It shouldn't, though, because there's a difference between German leadership and German dominance. The fact is, a more assertive Germany translates into a stronger Europe. And Europe needs a powerful voice, especially now. Only with strong German leadership can the ambitious projects of European Union expansion and a European defense force be realized.
And for once, the Germans have recent history on their side. When they have thrown their weight around, as in the battle over the leadership of the International Monetary Fund or on national missile defense, the aim has been to further European cooperation -- not to undermine it.
BEYOND BAD MEMORIES.
Take Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer's speech on May 12 on the need to strengthen the underpinnings of the EU by moving toward a United States of Europe. If anything, such a move would dilute German influence, not bolster it. Fischer's vision of a federal Europe is the culmination of a process started by Helmut Kohl to firmly anchor Germany in Europe by creating a "European Germany" instead of a "German Europe."
Germany has shown leadership on the economic front as well. It has done more in recent months than most of its neighbors have in years to cut taxes and chisel away at its deficit. Despite the euro's troubles, German support has been unwavering. Even the French are taking notice. Philippe Marini, a French senator, credits German politicians for their fiscal discipline. "How can we in France be credible?" he asks. His answer: "By aligning ourselves with Germany."
Despite such enthusiasm, Schröder & Co. won't convince everyone. World War II and the Holocaust still loom large in many Europeans' perception of Germany. Some wonder if Schröder's New Germany wants to bury the old. But Germany's newfound confidence isn't the product of politicians who want to forget the past. It's aimed at seeking to create a stable future. And that's in every nation's interest, including the U.S.
Karnitschnig covers German politics for Business Week from Frankfurt
EDITED BY THANE PETERSON
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